Starmer's Blue Labour Government truly is a vile, obnoxious, racist grotesque. It has nothing to do with
social-democracy, nor even with the kind of Labourite governments of the past. Indeed, it has nothing to do with the ideas, values and interests of the vast majority of Labour Party members, and voters of today, which indicates why it won so few votes at the election, why even that support has dissipated, and it is about to get wiped out in the Spring local elections, and why this formation itself cannot survive.
Social-democracy has, in the past, defended its use of immigration controls as being part of an overall attempt to plan and regulate the economy, in the same way that it seeks to plan and regulate investment, prices and so on. A workers' state would, of course, plan and regulate all of those things, including immigration, as part of attempting to plan and regulate the economy in general. It is one of those characteristics of social-democracy/imperialism that signifies its nature as a transitional form between capitalism and socialism that it is forced to borrow these future forms, but as Marx and Engels note, in
Anti-Duhring, its use of these future forms continues to be for the benefit of
capital and capitalists, not for society as a whole. It continues to use these methods of planning and regulation in order to maximise
profits. This signifies the difference between social-democracy and socialism.
When social-democracy talks about immigration controls, just as when it talks about import controls, or
wage and
price controls, it is never about the use of such measures as part of an attempt to plan and regulate the economy on behalf of the entire society, but only to benefit the maximisation of profit, and the beneficiaries of those profits, including the ruling class owners of
fictitious capital that derive their
revenues of
interest/dividends,
rents and
taxes as deductions from that profit. The use of price and wage controls, for example, are always premised on the idea of fighting
inflation, but inflation is a result of the state depreciating the currency/
standard of prices. Higher prices, including a higher price for
labour-power, are a
consequence of inflation, not the
cause of it. So, when the state introduces such controls it is always, really, just a cover for them seeking to depress wages, so as to protect or boost profits.
The use of import controls, is similarly justified on the basis of protecting jobs in the domestic market, as Trump is doing, now, but the real basis of the insecurity of those jobs, under capitalism, is the operation of the capitalist system itself, and the inefficiency of the given domestic capitalist production compared to its foreign competitors. In other words, it is a result of the failure of the domestic capitalists to invest in technology sufficiently to compete. Particularly for developed economies, import controls such as tariffs are never used as a means of enabling such investment to take place, but inevitably are used to simply subsidise the inefficient production of the domestic capitalists, enabling them to stay in business, and draw their profits, without having to invest in additional capital to raise their
productivity. The resulting higher prices, simply get passed on to domestic consumers, the majority of whom are workers.
Immigration controls are very similar to import controls. For the domestic capitalists, and their governments, they throw the blame for the failure of the domestic capitalist economy on to foreigners, and away from the real cause, capitalism, and the particular deficiencies of the domestic capitalists to invest. The real purpose of such immigration controls, as with import controls, is not to effectively plan and regulate the economy for the benefit of society, but to protect and maximise the ability to produce and extract profits for the domestic capitalists, at the expense of the rest of society, of which workers comprise around 70%.
Although protectionism was common, in the past, as capitalist economies were dominated by
merchant and
financial capital, aligned with landed property (Mercantilism), and operated on the basis of appropriation of
surplus value via unequal exchange, most visibly in the colonial empires, the overturning of those relations, as
industrial capital became dominant, and it swept away those old monopolies, colonial empires and protectionism, as imperialism was based upon
the production of surplus value, ushered in a new era.
After WWII, it was not just that this imperialism established multinational companies on a widening geographical basis, to industrialise economies, and, thereby, to directly exploit labour-power, but it also established transnational para-state institutions, to try to establish a level playing field for capital, wherever it settled, a level playing field, and set of international rules, which, of course, by its nature, benefited the biggest, most efficient capitalist companies, and the states that stood behind them, i.e. primarily the US.
In the post-war period, many developed economies also lacked workers, as a new
long wave expansion got underway. The US, had only come into being as an industrialised economy on the back of mass immigration of workers from Europe during the 19th century, and it continued to depend on immigration, increasingly from Mexico and Latin America, to fill millions of low paid, unskilled jobs. Germany filled similar jobs with
“guest workers” from TĂĽrkiye, France from its former colonies, as did Britain. In the 1950's, Britain was desperate for workers from the Caribbean, for example. There was no question of immigration controls at these times, as capital needed labour, in order to enable the continued production of surplus value.
Indeed, immigration controls are something that has only significantly come into existence since the 1960's. Until that time there was pretty much an ability for a free movement of labour across the globe. In Britain, the first attempt at significant immigration controls was the
Aliens Act of 1905, and its fairly open purpose was an attempt by Anti-Semitic Tories and fascists to prevent the immigration of Jews from Eastern Europe who were seeking to escape the pogroms being conducted by the Tsarist regime in Russia.
The 1793 Aliens Act, which was a much smaller affair, was introduced to, similarly, prevent French refugees coming to Britain, following the revolution, and, again, its main intention, as part of the
Anti-Jacobin Wars, was to prevent French revolutionaries entering Britain, under cover.
So, when the Labour Government introduced immigration laws in the 1960's, it did so, apologetically, whilst attempting to justify the measures, with meaningless talk about them being “non-racist” immigration controls. The Blair/Brown government, of course, needed large-scale immigration in the early 2000's, as the growing economy, in a new period of long-wave expansion, faced severe skilled labour shortages, which were filled from the EU. That government, at the same time, attempted to assuage a growing racist outcry, by focussing its attention, not on immigration, but on refugees, and asylum seekers. It did so, itself, in the most outrageous way that acted to conflate the two things, and so, also fuelled the racist narrative of the likes of the BNP, UKIP and their Tory fellow travellers. But, none of that is comparable to the openly racist, dog whistle politics of Starmer's Blue Labour government, which is entirely consistent with its own jingoistic, narrow nationalist agenda.
Unlike previous Labour governments, Starmer's government wears its racist credentials proudly on its chest. Its well publicised and staged mass arrests of immigrants in the last week, were a more vicious and brutal version of the kinds of racist actions undertaken by Theresa May's government, which were attacked by Labour at that time, and occur at the same time as the similarly vicious acts of the Trump regime, in launching raids on immigrant communities in the US. This latter coordination is also, no doubt, no coincidence, as Starmer seeks to curry favour with the fascistic regime of Trump, just as he has, over recent months, sought to curry favour with the fascistic government of Meloni in Italy.
Starmer and his racist, Blue Labour government claim that they seek to close down the criminal gangs involved in people smuggling, across the Channel. Of course, no socialist, social-democrat, or even Liberal can oppose smashing the criminal gangs. But, the actions this last week had nothing to do with that. They were raids on the poor victims of those gangs, not the gangs themselves. If Starmer wanted to undermine the gangs and their criminal activity, the best way to do that is not to criminalise immigration in the first place! If anyone who wanted to come to Britain, whether as a refugee, or as an economic migrant, was free to do so, and safe channels existed for that purpose, then, there would be no basis for the gangs to exist. Nor would it be necessary to have asylum seekers being kept for months or years, at taxpayers expense in hostels whilst they waited a decision on their application. They could, instead, be working, paying taxes and contributing to society with their labour, and paying rent or mortgage to provide their own shelter and so on.
In any case, the number of migrants coming as refugees or asylum seekers in small boats across the Channel is tiny compared to the number of legal migrants coming into the country to work on visas. When Farage, Johnson, Hoey, Mann and other proponents of Brexit conned large numbers to vote for it on the basis of “controlling the borders”, by which they meant stopping immigration, they, of course, did not mention that the result would be that immigration would, in fact, increase! The difference is, of course, that previously, before Brexit, that migration was mainly of EU citizens, coming to fill vital roles, whereas, now, they have been replaced by migrants from the Indian sub-continent and elsewhere. The former had far greater rights and protections than have the latter, which is, of course, one reason that the petty-bourgeois nationalists prefer it. In undermining those workers rights, they seek to undermine all workers rights, in the interests of the small employers. All EU workers not only have greater rights, as a result of EU laws, but they have the potential to act as a single, EU labour movement to demand even greater rights and protections.
When the racists of the BNP, UKIP, Reform, and now Blue Labour argue for immigration controls, they do so on the basis of arguments that are contradictory. They say that immigrants take “British” jobs, whilst simultaneously claiming that immigrants come to simply obtain benefits. They say that they cause shortages of houses, NHS beds, school places and so on, whilst saying that they simultaneously take “British” jobs in building, healthcare, teaching and so on. One of the most ridiculous claims is that “Britain is full up”, or that its a tiny cramped island. Ridiculous because residential property accounts for only 1% of land use in Britain. Compare that to the 2% used just for golf courses!
It is undoubtedly true that, under capitalism, the capitalists and their state, use immigration as a quick and easy way of recruiting additional labour, when labour shortages exist, rather than training additional skilled workers, or investing in technology to raise productivity. But, for the same reason, when the capitalists or their state seek to limit immigration it is never out of a concern to protect the employment or wages of domestic workers. Just as with import controls, the capitalists never use immigration controls alongside large-scale investment in training and technological development. On the contrary, it is only when, despite immigration, and other means of increasing the supply of labour, they still face labour shortages, and see wages rising, squeezing profits, that they begin to seriously engage in technological development, so as to replace labour with
fixed capital. The purpose of that, again, is not for the benefit of society, but is to replace labour, increase unemployment, and so reduce wages and boost profits. Indeed, rather than such investment going along with rising employment and wages, or training of skilled workers, the opposite occurs.
The role of immigrant labour is no different than the role of domestic reserves of labour. For example, in the 1950's, a lot of the increase in labour supply came from married women being drawn into the workforce. Some chauvinists opposed that too on the basis that these married women only
“worked for pin-money”, and so undermined male wages. Similarly, the children born as part of the baby-boom, began to enter the workforce from around 1960, increasing the supply of labour-power, and so acting to suppress wages. But, at a certain point of the long-wave cycle, as all of these additional workers, whether married women, former rural labourers, new young workers, or immigrants, also form additional demand for goods and services, and firms have to compete to satisfy that demand by additional capital accumulation, and employment, the effect is not to depress wages, but to raise them, as the labour supply does not rise to meet the demand for it. Only then, as capital faces a
crisis of overproduction of capital, relative to labour supply, does it invest in a new technological revolution.
In the late 1970's, and early 1980's, the introduction of all of that new technology acted to replace skilled labour with unskilled labour, operating the new machines. That unskilled labour was inevitably paid lower wages. The increased productivity saw the workforce grow more than employment, so that unemployment rose, putting downward pressure on wages. It was during that period that the Thatcher government, in Britain, ended all of the various apprenticeship schemes for training skilled workers, and, likewise, in the US,
Ronald Reagan faced down a strike by highly skilled Air Traffic Controllers, by sacking them all, rather than pay them a decent wage. The US has never been able to recruit sufficient skilled Air Traffic Controllers ever since.
Since Brexit, immigration into Britain has increased, not because of “illegal migration”, but because British firms have needed additional labour, and faced a big hole in obtaining it, as EU workers had left. Starmer's, reactionary, petty-bourgeois nationalist government has taken over the advocacy of Brexit, and so has to also accept the consequences of it in relation to the destruction caused to the economy, as it stagnates, as it faces the continued crumbling of the infrastructure of roads, buildings and so on, of which Grenfell as well as RAC concrete are symbols, as well as the crisis in finding sufficient workers to staff hospitals, care homes and so on. All of these jobs can only be filled by continued large-scale, legal migration, but to divert attention from that, Starmer's vile racist government focuses on a tiny number of poor refugees, crossing the Channel.
And, of course, a large part of those refugees are a result of the wars waged by NATO in the Middle East. The most grotesque manifestation of that is the NATO backed genocide conducted by the Zionist regime against Palestinians. Now, when Palestinians seek to escape that genocide by coming to Britain, which bears direct responsibility for it, Starmer particularly, Starmer vies with Farage and Badenoch as to who can be the most vile, in rejecting their attempts to come to Britain under the same terms as those offered to Ukrainians. Of course, the difference in attitude is clear, the Ukrainians have white skin, and blue eyes. Ukraine is part of the NATO imperialist alliance in its global war against China/Russia, whereas the Palestinians are the victims of that global inter-imperialist conflict.
Now, in a further illustration of the vile, reactionary racist nature of this government, Starmer has said that any migrants entering the country illegally, will be banned from becoming citizens, in the future. That is racism and vindictiveness taken directly from the manual of the likes of Donald Trump, to whom they are cosying up, as well as of his British sycophants, such as Farage. No decent social-democrat, Liberal, let alone socialist can vote for such openly racist, and reactionary politicians. So, it is no wonder that, as Starmer attempts to turn Blue Labour into an equivalent of UKIP, Labour voters are abandoning the party in droves. Unfortunately, the Left has failed to either stop the collapse of the Labour Party into this petty-bourgeois, nationalism, or to provide any kind of credible alternative to it, leaving progressive voters with the choice of being drawn to the superficially more attractive Liberals, Greens, and in Wales and Scotland, Plaid and SNP.
In reality, those parties are only superficially more progressive. What is more, they lack the link to the labour movement that the Labour Party has. The fight to rebuild, and provide a truly progressive alternative, must start, not with a concern for the ballot box, but with the need to rebuild the organisations of labour from the ground up. We must ask why it is that the trades unions, for example, have allowed their party to be hijacked by a tiny bunch of petty-bourgeois, nationalists, racists, and jingoists, financed by millionaires based in tax havens, not to mention the role of Zionists, and Zionist organisations such as
BICOM.
Although we can understand and sympathise with Labour voters who abandon the party at the polls to vote Green, Liberal, or even for the heterogeneous list of Independents, no way forward can come from that route. It is necessary to wage a political struggle within the labour movement to defeat the Right, Centre and Soft Left, a struggle that can only be completed within the Labour Party itself, as the current political wing of the movement. We cannot say where the dynamic of that struggle may lead. It may lead to a recognition that the current Labour Party cannot be retrieved, and, certainly, without the trades unions committing to such a goal, it will be impossible. In that case, it would be necessary to build a new Workers Party, just as the trades unions did, when they split from the Liberals at the start of the last century. The political struggle waged by Marxists, now, within that context, will shape the nature of that future party, and our goal cannot be simply a Labour Party Mark II, nor even a more left-wing social-democratic party, but must be the formation of a mass, international socialist, i.e. communist party.
Alternatively, the struggle, now, may result in the defeat of the far-right, nationalists of Blue Labour. As I have set out, elsewhere, my analysis suggests to me that the Blair-Rights will, themselves, seek to ditch Starmer, when the Spring Elections show just how low Starmer has laid the party. They will seek to merge the party with the Liberals and social-democratic wing of the Conservatives
a la Change UK, to form a new centre-right, opposition to Reform/Tories. The trades union bureaucrats will be likely to go along in the hope of salvaging the electoral fortunes of Labour, and to provide a lesser-evil to Reform/Tories. They will hang themselves, via such a
Popular Front, as, when they can, the politicians will ditch the connection to the unions.
The task of Marxists is to warn of that danger, and to organise, now, to prevent it. Conservative social-democracy has had its bite at the cherry, and has completely failed. It has no more answers than does the right-wing populism, and petty-bourgeois nationalism of the likes of Farage and Starmer. Only a clear Marxist programme, founded on the promotion of the interests of workers, and of the working-class as a global class can offer a way forward.