Anti-Duhring, Part II Political, Economy, III – The Force Theory (Continued) - Part 10 of 10

US imperialism, similarly, tried to maintain a monopoly of nuclear technology, and, given its nature as the ultimate destructive power, relative to labour – a sort of organic composition of the means of destruction – those imperialist powers that have it have also tried to limit access to it. The US has also tried to control the platforms from which its allies can deliver such weapons, though, here again, the separate interests of EU imperialism posit European Aerospace industry to that of the US. The US, via its dominance of computer and communications technology, and space/satellite technology, also asserts control over sophisticated targeting systems of cruise missiles and so on.

“In this sphere it is most palpably evident that the "direct political force" which, according to Herr Dühring, is the “decisive cause of the economic situation”, is on the contrary completely subordinate to the economic situation, that not only the construction but also the manipulation of the marine instrument of force, the battleship, has itself become a branch of modern large-scale industry.” (p 221)

The large battleship, now, cost the state as much as previously it paid for a whole small fleet. Why did they do it? Not, as the military Keynesians believe, because it stimulates economic growth, or resolves crises of overproduction, but because, as with the spinning machine replacing the spinning wheel, this greater absolute cost represents a smaller relative cost. However, as with all such other instances, the technological development soon makes existing technologies redundant. The development of torpedoes meant that large battleships could be sunk by small, rapid torpedo boats, or submarines. As I have noted elsewhere, and as Marx sets out in Theories of Surplus Value, Chapter 23, this is an example of the fact that, when technology develops particularly rapidly, it is not only the relative cost of the machines that falls, but also the absolute cost.

“Here, too, therefore we see absolutely clearly that it is in no wise true that “the primary factor must be sought in direct political force and not in any indirect economic power”. On the contrary. For what precisely does “the primary factor” in force itself prove to be? Economic power, the disposal over the means of power of large-scale industry. Naval political force, which reposes on modern battleships, proves to be not “direct” at all but on the contrary mediated by economic power, highly developed metallurgy, command of skilled technicians and productive coal-mines.” (p 222)

Today, it is control of global telecommunications, computer systems, space and satellite technology, that is decisive, as seen in the increasing amounts spent on cyber warfare, and, also, the concern of US imperialism to prevent the spread of Chinese telecommunications hardware and software systems, across the globe, as China increases its relations and influence, in Asia, Africa, the Middle-East, Latin America, and Europe.  As I wrote more than a quarter of a century ago, and appears in my novel 2017, a state could win a war, today, theoretically, with no military hardware of its own.  All it needs is to be able to take control of the computer systems controlling the military hardware of its enemies, and turn it against them, a sort of cyber Aikido, as also seen at the start of Mission Impossible, Dead Reckoning.

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