The US Debt Ceiling
crisis is over for now. As suggested in my previous post,
the needs of big industrial capital won out, enough of the
mainstream Republicans baulked, and voted through the re-opening of
the government, until January, and the extension of the Debt Ceiling
until February next year.
Markets did not budge
on the news. The big capitalists obviously themselves knew that, in the
end, their interests would win out, as against the interests of the
small capitalists. In fact, today, equity markets have been selling
off slightly, rather than their being any major rally. In the
meantime, despite the continuation of massive amounts of money
printing by the Federal Reserve, which now seems likely to continue
until at least next March, and maybe until next June, whereas until a
month ago, it was expected to be “tapered” from September
onwards, bond yields continue to drift higher, having dropped by
around 10% in the initial aftermath of the Fed's decision not to
taper.
If you are Mrs
Watanabe in Osaka, or Mrs Li in Shanghai, then looking at your latest
mutual bond fund statement, will not be pleasant reading, and having
watched the US come to the brink of defaulting on its debt, not
because it could not pay, but because a small number of politicians
were prepared to prevent it from paying, you could be forgiven for
thinking that there might be better places to put your hard earned
savings.
But, as I've pointed
out previously -
The Rates Of Profit, Interest And Inflation
– the turn in the conjuncture from the Spring to Summer Phase of
the Long Wave, means that global interest rates have started a long, secular rise anyway, whatever central banks do, in relation to money
printing. Further evidence of that shift has come from the third
quarter earnings season which has shown corporate profits failing to
grow by anything like what had been previously forecast. There are
also clear signs that one reason for that is falling rates of
productivity.
Part of the reason
for poor productivity itself is the fact that the US, like the UK,
attempted to build that low wage/high debt model. The more workers
wages are screwed down, the more the quality and quantity of
labour-power supplied declines, and the value it produces falls,
which in turn means that even as wages fall, surplus value falls with
it. Resolving that problem will require considerable amounts of
investment in both equipment and education and training, some of
which will require policies of fiscal expansion. It will require the
same kinds of policies adopted by Asian emerging economies in the
late 80's and 90's, to encourage not low, but high wages, so that
capital is encouraged to invest in more efficient methods of
production, in higher value production and so on, so that higher
wages can be paid, and yet commodities be produced that are
competitive on global markets. It is unlikely that the representatives of the small capitalists, whose model is precisely that low-wage/high debt economy, will be pushing in that direction.
The Republicans got nothing out of this crisis. If
anything they became weaker, because for now, the Tea Party, may have
become stronger. The Republican establishment obtained no
concessions. But, under pressure from the Tea Party they were not
able to simply concede to everything the Democrats wanted. So, a
stay of execution was agreed until February. The Tea Party will not
change their position during that time, and nor will the Democrats.
Unfortunately, as I
said yesterday, because Tea Party representatives are often elected
in 90% solid Republican areas, the consequence of yesterday's deal is
likely only to be that the Tea Partiers cast Obama even more in the
guise of a dictator, forcing through his policy, whilst the Republican Establishment are pictured as spineless. That indeed, was
the message given by Republican Senator Ted Cruz yesterday. As I
said some time ago -
One Born Every Minute
– the Tea Party have all those attributes of other religious
fundamentalists, and those whose extreme individualist ideas are a
throwback to the 18th Century and before, deriving from
their essentially peasant existence. They are in many ways an exact
copy of the religious fundamentalists of the Middle East.
So, this problem is
not simply a political problem, but is also a social and economic
problem. The Tea Party represent a specific class fraction, whose
ideas come from their economic and social position. Ultimately, the
logic of the situation is for the Republican Party to split.
Increasingly, without doing so, and thereby marginalising the Tea
Party, the Republicans have little hope of winning the Presidency
again, as demographic changes work against them, which the Tea Party
pushing them ever rightwards will exacerbate.
As I said yesterday,
the nature of the US political system, and the way electoral
districts have been gerrymandered, plays into this crisis. The
Republican establishment have an incentive, now, actually, to work
with Democrats to create more balanced districts, so that the Tea
Party cannot use their caucus to ensure selection of extreme
right-wing candidates in safe seats. The Republican establishment
will have to treat the Tea Party as an insurgency.
So, the reason for
the question mark in the title of this post is that, although this
particular crisis has been resolved, it has only been achieved by
creating the conditions for another one at the start of next year.
It is only the latest in a series of political crises that have
afflicted the US in the last three years, since the Tea Party
succeeded in getting its candidates elected. Unless, the Democrats
win sufficient seats in next year's elections – which may happen as Republicans have fared badly out of this crisis – or the
Republicans deal themselves with the Tea Party, those crises will
continue.
The US has lost badly
to China, and its other competitors in the global market, as a result
of this crisis, and at a time, when the US is declining in importance
relatively anyway, because of those mistakes made in the 1980's and
90's, referred to before. As in Europe, big capital needs to begin
to assert its interests as against the reactionary interests of small
capital. In so far as it does so, workers should support it, not in
the sense of ourselves advocating the interests of big capital, and
certainly not by forming any kind of alliance, but in the sense that
we can express our preference for one kind of solution as opposed to
another.
But, that does not
change our position as socialists in arguing for our own solutions,
and advancing them as an alternative to those of the bourgeoisie.
The fact, that we defend bourgeois democracy against fascism or
feudalism does not mean we are advocates of bourgeois democracy as
against workers democracy; the fact we support free trade as opposed
to protectionism does not mean that we advocate free trade as opposed
to the development of a co-operative economy and so on.
The task of
socialists in North America and in Europe is to begin to create that
kind of co-operative economy, which in turn will create the changes
in material conditions that allow the consciousness of the workers to
be transformed. Once workers begin to see on a large enough scale
that a new type of economy, and with it a new type of society is
possible, an economy and a society far superior to the present one,
then they will be able to transcend their current parties, and begin
to build new ones based upon those ideas. Then the time of the
Democrats and Republicans, Labour and Tories, and all the other such
divisions between bourgeois parties that reflect the interests merely
of different fractions of the ruling class, will be swept away.
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