
It is now
clear that if the
Eurozone – and possibly the
EU as a whole – is
to survive,
Angela Merkel and her Government has to go. The chorus
of calls from
international, and
Big European Capital has become
deafening, for the
EU's politicians to sort out the Eurozone's
political crisis.
Obama and
US politicians and bureaucrats have been
demanding they sort it out, as a precondition for instituting the
kind of
Keynesian fiscal stimulus that has been implemented in the
US. The
IMF, OECD, and even some of the conservative
Credit Ratings
Agencies have made similar comments, saying that
austerity is killing
the patient, and a plan for
growth is required. Even
China has made
similar comments. The views of the dominant sections of
European
Capital, are channelled through the
EU bureaucracy, and they too have
been demanding that steps be taken immediately to sort out the
political crisis, and
institute a plan for growth.

The
ECB has
notably stayed out of the
Bond Markets in recent months, and has made
it clear that it will not take on the role that the
politicians
themselves need to fulfil. The
top bureaucrats from
Van Rompuy, the
President, through
Barroso, and the
Commission have set out the
necessary plans for the establishment of a
Banking Union, of
Fiscal
Union, of
Eurobonds, and of
Political Union. The bureaucrats put in
place only months ago to act as the
conduit of European policy into
the nation states have either been
replaced by elected Governments as
in
Greece, which now
demand a change of emphasis towards growth, and
away from austerity, or else, as in the case of
Mario Monti in Italy,
have themselves become
advocates of such a change of policy. Monti,
has most vociferously adopted this position in opposition to
Angela
Merkel and other
German politicians and bureaucrats. But, similar
views are being expressed by other recently appointed bureaucrats
such as
Mario Draghi at the ECB.

If that were
not enough
powerful voices such as
George Soros over recent weeks
have pointed out that unless the European politicians
sort it out,
and
drop the austerity measures in favour of
growth, there will be a
catastrophe. Monti has said the same, arguing that the
Eurozone had
just this
week to sort it out, meaning at the
Eurozone Summit (the
20
th over the crisis) happening today.
Monti has reason
to take such a stand. The Coalition of forces in
Italy that
supported his coming to office to replace
Berlusconi, is falling
apart, as the austerity measures tank the
Italian economy just as
they have done in
Greece,
Ireland, Portugal, Spain, and Britain.
Berlusconi is reported to be amassing his forces ready for a
comeback, which is neither good for Italy nor for Europe.

The voices
of international Capital, and of
European Big Capital are being
channelled not only through the
European and Nation States (though
not uniformly), and through
sections of the media – hence the
recent media
attacks on the
Tories in Britain – and through
Social
Democracy. Although,
Syriza is presented as some kind of Far Left
organisation, in reality it is merely a
Left Social Democratic Party
whose positions are wholly consistent with a
continuation of
Capitalism in
Greece, and
Europe. The same is true of
Hollande, and
the
French Socialist Party, which is acting now as the political
spearhead of these forces throughout Europe. Its position of
essentially
Keynesian stimulation to promote growth, has not only
been supported by international Capital, which has lowered French
borrowing costs, but is being supported by
Social Democrats in
Portugal, Spain and elsewhere.
Even so,
none of this changes anything unless
Germany comes on board. At the
moment,
Angela Merkel is following the example of
Margaret Thatcher
by an insistent
“Nein, nein, nein” in response to calls for
emergency assistance to save the
Euro. Yet, its reported that in
private, Merkel's position is not at all so rigid as the public
pronouncements. She has already agreed to a number of moves that
only months ago she was insisting were not acceptable. But, Europe
does not have time for these political cat and mouse games. One
trader said yesterday that if the politicans do not come up with a
credible plan by the end of the week, they could come in to work on
Monday to find that everything had collapsed.
Merkel does
not oppose the idea of a
Fiscal Union, or
Political Union. On the
contrary, she repeatedly says that she is in favour of
closer
European integration. The point is she is only in favour of that
integration
on German terms. That means she is only in favour of it,
if
FIRST, other countries, essentially the peripheral – and not so
peripheral, like
Spain and Italy – economies agree to make
themselves
more like Germany, and if Germany gets a
veto over their
spending. On one level, of course, that is not unreasonable. A
Workers Europe would have to operate on some similar basis too.
Otherwise what is created is some kind of
huge Welfare State where
workers in one part see large amounts of the
Value they create
transferred to another, rather than there being a
rational plan to
ensure that
everyone has work that creates Value. But, in
practical
terms here and now it can never be a basis on which to proceed.

The example
is often given that
Germany underwent a ten year programme of
restructuring its
economy and labour market. That is true, but it
did so under
conditions of growing prosperity not of rapid economic
decline in workers living standards! In fact, it was not just a ten
year period beginning with
Gerhard Schroder that brought about those
changes.
German Social Democracy ensured such a transformation
continuously from the
end of WWII. It was one of the most successful
examples of the
Fordist/Welfarist model that incorporated the
Trades
Unions and the
Workers Party – including for example, within the
Works Councils – that ensured that workers co-operated with
Big
Capital to introduce
new technology and techniques, and the necessary
labour flexibility to go along with it that ensured large increased
in
German productivity, facilitated the development of
German high
value production etc. in return for
high wages, and high levels of
social welfare provision.

The same was
true in
Britain in some ways. In the
1940's and 50's, the number of
pits that were
closed, and the number of
miners jobs that were lost
in the immediate aftermath of
nationalisation, far exceeded those
wrought by Thatcher. But, there was essentially
no resistance to
these changes. The main reason for that is that under the conditions
of the
Post War Boom, there was a
high demand for Labour. Workers
were paid off from the pit on a Friday, and walked into a new job on
the Monday. In addition, the loss of jobs, and closure of the least
efficient pits was necessary in order to focus on introducing
new
technology to raise
productivity at those pits where it was
worthwhile. The introduction of this new,
expensive machinery, meant
that
Coal bosses had an incentive to
protect their investments – in
a way they did not have previously in respect of Miners – by
introducing new
Health & Safety measures to reduce the danger of
collapses, and of
explosions, flooding etc. In other words, the
economic boom meant that workers had little reason to resist the
changes, because they could see an
immediate benefit for themselves
arising from them. That's not to say that Capital didn't benefit
even more, it did which is why it introduced the changes.
But, for the
same reasons it is clearly ridiculous to believe that
Greek workers,
or workers in
Spain,
Portugal, or
Italy are going to accept ten years
of massively
falling living standards, unemployment and everything
that goes with it, in order to
bring about similar changes and
restructuring.
Ireland is perhaps an
exception here, because
Ireland, unlike, many of these other countries has a
sizeable,
modern, efficient sector of its economy based on
technology already.
Moreover, such changes in the peripheral economies and in Spain and
Italy, would only make sense in this context, if there were
higher
value jobs for them to go to. At the moment there seems little
prospect of that, and the more
uncertainty that surrounds the future
of these economies, the less likely it is that anyone will want to
invest there.

As I've set
out before in economic terms solving the
Eurozone crisis is not
difficult. The problem is its not really an economic crisis, its a
political crisis, and resolving the politics is the difficult bit.
What is needed is a
fiscal and political union, and the
establishment
of Eurobonds. That would provide the basis for the establishment of
a
real growth plan for the whole of Europe, which would
remove the
uncertainty, and begin to
modernise the economies of the periphery,
so that they establish
high value, internationally competitive
sectors of their economy – as for example,
Ireland, Germany and
some of the
Nordic countries have done – that are able then to
support the rest of the
domestic economy – i.e. the large number of
people who work in the
service and commercial sector meeting the
needs of domestic workers. Given the current
Long Wave Boom in the
global economy, there is no better time to achieve such a solution.
The problem
is that
Merkel and her
Government cannot sign up to such a solution.
That is not because, as is often portrayed, the German workers will
not accept such a deal. The reality is that
German workers
understand that they have
benefited considerably from the EU, and
from the
Euro. Merkel's standing in Germany has been falling, and
her Party has been losing heavily to the
German Social Democrats and
Greens. But, both the SPD and the Greens,
support the establishment
of
Eurobonds etc.! So, why doesn't Merkel adopt that position. The
answer is quite simple. Its the same reason that
Cameron and the
Tories abandoned their position of outspending Labour, and adopted
austerity. In order to
retain the
support of their
core Conservative
vote, and membership, they are forced to adopt these positions,
because otherwise they would have
no chance of election at all.
Simply adopting some of the positions of the Social Democrats would
not win them the votes of Social Democratic workers, but it would
lose them the votes of their core supporters.

So
Merkel is
trapped by the dynamics of bourgeois democratic,
electoral politics.
That is why the only
solution, the only way to save the Euro is for
Merkel and the CDU to go, and for them to make way for an
SPD/Green
Government. They could at least set out in convincing terms a
plan
for
Fiscal Union, and for
Political Union i.e. for the beginnings of
a
United States of Europe, and could immediately put in place the
mechanisms for selling
EU Bonds, and for a
growth strategy for
Europe. That is not to say, that such a plan would not mean Germany
also demanding oversight of national budgets etc. - though this would
be framed in terms of EU oversight – in order to ensure that any
monetary or fiscal transfers were not simply being used to finance
consumption rather than investment. But, it would mean that these
two things could proceed hand in hand, in a necessary and logical
fashion in a way that currently they cannot.
It looks
likely that as with Greece, Italy may also face early elections. It
would be useful if Merkel were to announce the same in Germany.
Indeed, it would be useful to have a General European Election to be
able to debate and decide on all these issues in an open and
democratic manner. But, then if they don't come to a decision by the
end of this week, there may be nothing left to decide upon. The
pictures from Greece, frequently dwell on the ruins of the Acropolis,
a symbol of that long dead Greek democracy. European politicians
show all the signs that they may be about to create a new lot of
ruins of European civilisation. The political divisions that are
preventing the resolution of the problems of Europe demonstrate that
Capitalism has now long since gone beyond the bounds of the Nation
State – which is why all those reactionaries who look to a solution
in a return to it are wrong – but it may be that Capitalist
politicians are not capable of going beyond it. In that case, the
historic task falls clearly to the workers of Europe to achieve it,
by establishing their own unity across borders, and moving forwards
to a United States of Europe, and a European Workers Government. It
is task we should be undertaking right now.
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