The description of the relation between Sharapov and “his” peasants is paternalistic and, mutatis mutandis, similar to the ideas of the AES and so on. In other words, in the corporatist ideas of the AES, capital was to do its bit, by modernising British industry, so that it was globally competitive. Hopefully, the managers of that capital would see the benefits of involving the workers (read TU bureaucrats) in that process, so as to garner their ideas. But, having said all that, the responsibility of the workers remained to work, and so to produce increasing amounts of profit for that capital. As Lenin puts it, in relation to Sharapov, and “his” peasants,
“it is the duty of the lord to spread enlightenment, and of the muzhik—well, the duty of the muzhik, of course, is to work!” (p 483)
A similar thing, in fact, applied with Fordism, after WWII. Earlier in the 20th century, particularly in the US, workers identified positively with Taylorism, because it showed that the old managers wee responsible for holding back progress, and so they lined up with the Taylorists to demand their replacement with a new cadre of scientific managers, many drawn themselves from the working-class. Taylorism, combined with Fordism, championed this scientific management, and the raising of productivity by the introduction of ever more sophisticated technology, which both required an ever more sophisticated worker, but also relatively fewer of them, as productivity rose. A deal was struck by which the workers agreed to this arrangement – and an inevitable rise in the rate of surplus value – provided they obtained, in exchange, annual improvements in their living standards. This was codified in what came to be known as Mutuality Agreements, between unions and management.
“He introduced a rational crop rotation, etc., etc., and concluded a contract with the peasants, under which the latter receive meadows, pasture and arable from the landlord, and also seed for so many dessiatines, etc. The peasants, on their part, undertake to do all the work on the landlord’s farm (to cart manure, spread phosphates, plough, sow, reap, carry the sheaves to “my barn,” thresh, etc.. etc., so many dessiatines of each crop), and over and above this to pay, at first 600 roubles, then 800, S50, 1,100, and finally 1,200 roubles (i.e., an annual increment). These sums are payable in instalments—coinciding with the dates of payment of interest into the Nobles’ Bank (36, et seq.). It goes without saying that the author is a “convinced supporter of the village community” (37). We say, “it goes without saying,” because such farms would be impossible without laws that tie the peasants to their allotments and that secure the peasant community’s exclusiveness as a social estate. Mr. Sharapov is guaranteed the due receipt of payments from the peasants by the existence of a “prohibition on the sale of produce without his consent, which makes it incumbent on them to store everything in my barns” (36).” (p 483-4)
In the US, the development of corporate welfare schemes for workers had started by big companies in the late 19th century. These schemes, in the 20th century, which also provided health insurance, pension provision and so on, similarly acted to tie workers to employment with the same employer.
The peasants, thereby, could not escape to become wage workers. Sharapov used more affluent peasants to obtain his revenues from the poorer peasants. The latter could not even sell their means of production to cover debts, and so the only way they could survive was by providing increasing amounts of labour-service. A similar thing applies, today, with workers deprived of free movement, as a result of Brexit. They cannot move to where they might obtain a higher standard of living, or to escape unemployment, as workers did in the 1980's as dramatised in the series Auf Weidersehen Pet. They are stuck in a condition of state dependency, which also comes with a requirement to give up a series of civic rights, and to engage in precarious employment when available.
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