In China, neither imperialism nor the Chinese capitalist state was defending workers' interests. Imperialism was clearly tied to the Chinese militarists, as well as having its own bodies of armed men, in the country, to oppress the workers, and to defend its own interest. As Trotsky points out, the KMT was the party of the bourgeoisie, which, itself, was intimately tied to imperialism. The KMT's claim to be “anti-imperialist” was bogus, because of that, and amounted only to playing off one imperialist power against another. Trotsky made the same point about Ukraine, where, again, different sections of society looked to different imperialists to further their specific interests.
“Only hopeless pacifist blockheads are capable of thinking that the emancipation and unification of the Ukraine can be achieved by peaceful diplomatic means, by referendums, by decisions of the League of Nations, etc. In no way superior to them of course are those “nationalists” who propose to solve the Ukrainian question by entering the service of one imperialism against another. Hitler gave an invaluable lesson to those adventurers by tossing (for how long?) Carpatho-Ukraine to the Hungarians who immediately slaughtered not a few trusting Ukrainians. Insofar as the issue depends upon the military strength of the imperialist states, the victory of one grouping or another can signify only a new dismemberment and a still more brutal subjugation of the Ukrainian people, The program of independence for the Ukraine in the epoch of imperialism is directly and indissolubly bound up with the program of the proletarian revolution. It would be criminal to entertain any illusions on this score...
The worker and peasant masses in the Western Ukraine, in Bukovina, in the Carpatho-Ukraine are in a state of confusion: Where to turn? What to demand? This situation naturally shifts the leadership to the most reactionary Ukrainian cliques who express their “nationalism” by seeking to sell the Ukrainian people to one imperialism or another in return for a promise of fictitious independence.”
The same is true in Ukraine, today, with the Ukrainian capitalist state oppressing Ukrainian workers in the interests of the Ukrainian oligarchs, who are intimately tied to US and Western imperialism. The claims of Zelensky's corrupt capitalist government, as with the claims of the KMT, to be “anti-imperialist”, as it opposes Putin's invasion, is wholly bogus for the reasons Trotsky described, in relation to China and Ukraine, in the 1930's. He made exactly the same analysis in relation to Czechoslovakia.
“Even irrespective of its international ties Czechoslovakia constitutes a thoroughly imperialist state. Economically, monopoly capitalism reigns there. Politically, the Czech bourgeoisie dominates (perhaps soon we will have to say, dominated!) several oppressed nationalities. Such a war, even on the part of isolated Czechoslovakia would thus have been carried on not for national independence but for the maintenance and if possible the extension of the borders of imperialist exploitation.”
Those examples, as with the position of the social-patriots and social-imperialists, today, in relation to Ukraine, are simply a repetition of the deception carried out by them, in WWI, as described by Lenin in the Theses On The National and Colonial Questions, in which they dress up defence of the fatherland in the clothes of national independence and national self-determination. The most blatant example of that is the defence of Zionist imperialism, in Israel/Palestine, on grounds of a bourgeois-defencist position of “a right of self-defence” for capitalist states.
“Recognition of internationalism in word, and its replacement in deed by petty-bourgeois nationalism and pacifism, in all propaganda, agitation and practical work, is very common, not only among the parties of the Second International, but also among those which have withdrawn from it, and often even among parties which now call themselves communist...
The age-old oppression of colonial and weak nationalities by the imperialist powers has not only filled the working masses of the oppressed countries with animosity towards the oppressor nations, but has also aroused distrust in these nations in general, even in their proletariat. The despicable betrayal of socialism by the majority of the official leaders of this proletariat in 1914-19, when “defence of country” was used as a social-chauvinist cloak to conceal the defence of the “right” of their “own” bourgeoisie to oppress colonies and fleece financially dependent countries, was certain to enhance this perfectly legitimate distrust.”
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