The idea of a revolutionary government of the Left Kuomintang was a dangerous delusion, but it was a thousand times less a delusion than the idea that the war being fought by Ukraine is one of the “Ukrainian people”, still less of organised, revolutionary workers, or that fought by Russia is similarly some kind of revolutionary war. That is so far from the case that those using such arguments, to justify their social-imperialist positions, are simply lying.
“Instead of making it clear to the Chinese revolutionists, to the Communists primarily, that the Wuhan government will break its head against a wall if it imagines that it is itself already the only government in China; instead of turning relentlessly against the decorative hypocrisy of the petty-bourgeois revolutionists who have already destroyed so many revolutions; instead of shouting right into the ear of the uncertain, faltering, vacillating centre of Wuhan: “Do not be misled by outward appearances, do not be dazzled by the glitter of our own titles and manifestos, begin to perform the hard daily work, set masses in motion, build up workers’, soldiers’ and peasants’ soviets, build up a revolutionary governmental power” – instead of all this, Stalin hurls himself against the slogan of the soviets and supports the worst, the most provincial and bureaucratic prejudices and superstitious views of those ill-fated revolutionists who fear people’s soviets, and instead have faith in the sacred ink-blots on the notepaper of the Guomindang.” (p 67-8)
The reality in Ukraine and Russia is clear. There is only one government in each country, and, in both cases, it is a corrupt, anti-working class, reactionary government. It is these two governments, and two capitalist/imperialist states, the one backed by NATO imperialism, the other by Chinese imperialism, that are fighting this war that is reactionary on both sides.
The situation in Wuhan was that simply of a bloc of leaders. This same position appeared in the Spanish Revolution, but was also seen in the French and other Popular Fronts, established at the time, which are diplomatic blocs of politicians designed to secure parliamentary majorities, not actual alliances of classes, as social forces acting in society, on the streets. That delusion was most apparent in the Spanish Popular Front that chased after the liberal bourgeois politicians, long after the bourgeoisie they claimed to represent had thrown its support behind Franco. But, it was true in France and elsewhere, too, where rising workers struggles were derailed and diverted, in the name of securing parliamentary majorities, based on an alliance with bourgeois politicians, who were only able to secure seats by standing under the banner of the Popular Front.
Chen Duxiu, however, also drew false conclusions from his own observations, based upon his acceptance of the Menshevist/Stainist stages theory. He argued that they could build up a truly revolutionary government, as soon as the threat of imperialist intervention was removed. Once again, we see the influence of nationalist ideology, and the theory of Socialism In One Country. The same false ideas have continued to be presented, by petty-bourgeois nationalists, in various national liberation struggles, and again in respect of the Ukraine/Russia war.
“Here we must say directly and openly: put the question this way and you adopt the surest and shortest road to ruin. The creation of a genuinely revolutionary government basing itself on the popular masses is relegated to the moment when the dangers have disappeared. But the central danger consists precisely of the fact that instead of a revolutionary government in Southern China, there is for the time being only a bloc of leaders. Through this principal evil, all the other dangers are increased tenfold, including also the military danger. If we are to be guarded to the highest possible degree against the foreign and our “own” militarist bands, we must become strong, consolidate ourselves, organize, and arm ourselves. There are no other roads.” (p 68-9)
But, to do that, to mobilise the workers, its necessary to present those workers with something to fight for, and with some realistic prospect of victory, which requires the provision of arms, and the provision of adequate leadership and organisation. In other words, it requires the development of a revolutionary programme, of communists orienting to work amongst the masses, not wasting time in diplomatic manoeuvres, in parliamentary chambers, and so on.
“Without losing even an hour, they must be given a revolutionary program of action and the organizational form of the soviets. There are no other roads. Postpone the creation of a revolutionary government until somebody has eliminated the danger of war in some way or other, and you take the surest and shortest road to ruin.” (p 69)
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