By raising the level of social productivity, by introducing more
efficient machines, providing improved communications systems, etc.,
it becomes possible to reduce the length of the necessary labour, and
thereby to increase the amount of surplus labour without any change
in the length of the working-day.
This is most apparent when considering the situation in relation to
the collective working-day as previously considered in relation to
the working day of the family unit. If there are 1 million workers
working a 10 hour day, of which 8 hours is necessary labour, the
collective working day is 10 million hours of which 8 million hours
is necessary labour and 2 million hours surplus labour. The rate of surplus value is then 25%. However, the lower limit for the
amount of necessary labour in this collective working-day is
theoretically zero, whilst there is no theoretical upper bound to the
collective working-day. If the working population rises to 2
million, for example, then the collective working-day rises to 20
million hours, and if the necessary working day remains 8 million
hours, because of higher productivity, surplus labour then rises to
12 million hours, and the rate of surplus value rises from 25% to
150%. There is then no theoretical limit to the expansion of this
rate of surplus value (and incidentally, therefore, of the rate of profit either.)
An economy, therefore, which is able to continually increase the
duration of the collective working-day, as a result, for example, of
continual increases in its population, due to additional births or
immigration, whilst simultaneously reducing the amount of necessary
labour, as a result of rising social productivity, will be able to
continually increase its surplus labour and its rate of surplus
value.
Moreover, the duration of the collective working-day is not solely a
function of the quantity of workers employed, but also of the type of
labour undertaken. Any particular type of concrete labour is limited
to a theoretical maximum of 24 hours in one day, but in terms of
value, it is abstract labour not concrete labour that is the measure
of labour-time.
If the labour of some particular type of worker is complex rather
than simple labour, then there is no reason that 10 hours of this
labour may not represent 20, 100, 1,000 or even 10,000 hours of
abstract labour. Take a small island with 1,000 people. They work
for 15 hours per day producing potatoes. They exchange these
potatoes for a range of other commodities, with people from the
nearby mainland, required to reproduce their labour-power. The
people on the mainland have also worked a total of 15,000 hours
producing these commodities.
By contrast, there is another island inhabited by a people that have
specialised, over centuries, in prostitution and the provision of
sexual gratification. The services of the 1,000 people on this
island are in great demand. As a result, they are able to obtain all
of the commodities from the mainland they require for the
reproduction of their labour-power, in exchange for each providing,
on average, only 5 hours of their labour, in providing sexual
gratification. In other words, because their labour is complex
labour, one hour of it is equal to three hours of simple labour. If
they each worked for 10 hours, they would produce the equivalent of
15,000 hours of surplus labour, whereas the first group of workers
would produce no surplus labour even in their 15 hour day.
That is also why some small economies have been able to prosper,
because they have been able to make a large proportion of their
workers into providers of high value, complex labour. A small
economy that has a high proportion of highly educated and skilled
workers, working developing innovative and high value technologies,
for example, will be able to exchange a small amount of this concrete
labour for a much larger quantity of lower value, concrete labour
from some other economy.
For example 90% of the value of an iPhone comes from the relatively
small amount of complex, concrete labour undertaken by high value
labour involved in software and hardware design in the US, rather
than the much greater quantity of low value concrete labour involved
in its assembly work in China. In the North Staffordshire Potteries,
a similar thing can now also be seen. A relatively small amount of
higher value labour is involved in the work of design and research
and development of materials etc., whilst the work of production,
which involves larger quantities of lower value concrete labour, has
been relocated to Asia.
This, however, returns us to the point made at the beginning, which
is that the nature of this complex labour may then affect the value of the labour-power itself, by influencing the basket of commodities
required for its reproduction. In order to produce workers with the
high level of education and skill required for this high value,
complex labour, the society must also devote resources to such
education and training, and that implies also, resources has to be
put into healthcare so that the workers are fit enough, and live long
enough that their education is not wasted. It requires also,
therefore, that they have good food and living conditions etc.
The regulator for capital is that surplus value is maximised, and
that means that the mass of abstract labour-time required for the
reproduction of the collective worker (necessary labour) should fall
relative to the mass of abstract labour-time provided by the
collective worker.
Back To Part 6
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