Marx sets
out in many places that the basis for determining the value of
commodities is their current reproduction cost, and not their
historic cost. This applies to those commodities that comprise the
constant and variable-capital, and which thereby also provide the
basis for the calculation of the rate of profit, annual rate ofprofit, and so consequently also the general annual rate of profit.
But, some proponents of the Temporal Single System Interpretation
have argued that the rate of profit should be calculated not on the
current reproduction cost of the commodities that comprise the
elements of the productive-capital, but on the historic cost of those
commodities, i.e. the money prices paid for them by the individual
capitalist.
One argument
put forward for this is that, unless this is done, a logical
contradiction arises. Marx argues that the reason for using the
current reproduction cost is that the commodities that comprise the
elements of productive-capital (raw materials consumed as part of the
constant capital, food and other wage goods consumed by workers that
comprises the variable capital) although the result of past
production, have to be physically replaced, on a like for like basis, out of the current production. It is then, Marx says, the
labour-time currently required for this physical reproduction that is
decisive.
But, its
precisely this which causes the proponents of historic pricing to
believe that otherwise a contradiction arises. An example put
forward to demonstrate this is to suppose there is an economy with
one single commodity, such as with the corn models that Marx sets out
in Theories of Surplus Value. The argument goes that looking
at this on a purely physical basis can lead to a contradiction if
there is a crop failure that leads to a sharp fall in output, so that
the volume of output falls below the volume of input. So, assume the
following is kilos of corn.
c 1000 + v
1000 + s 1000. The total output is 3,000 kilos. The surplus is
1,000 kilos. The rate of surplus value is 100%, and the rate of
profit is 50%.
This is also
presented in money terms, so that the above values can be viewed as
£'s. The argument then asks what happens if the crop failure
results in only say 500 kilos of corn being produced. The aim of
this line of argument is to suggest that the result is that the
labour produces a negative value, whereas Marx makes clear that all
labour that is socially necessary and produces a use value, creates a
new positive value.
But, in
fact, this argument is false. It is based upon a number of
misconceptions, and a relapse into Adam Smith's faulty cost of
production theory of value, as opposed to Marx's Labour Theory of Value. It also confuses
Smith's first correct definition
of productive-labour, which is that it is productive of surplus value, with his second and incorrect definition of productive labour,
which is that it is productive of value embodied in material
commodities.
When
Marx talks about all labour being value creating, so long as it is
socially necessary, and that it produces use values, he is talking
about precisely that, i.e. that it produces value, not surplus value.
As Marx sets out at length in Theories of Surplus Value,
all labour in so far as it fulfils this requirement, of producing use
values, is productive of new value, equal to the labour-time
expended. That is true whether the labour is productive labour –
producing surplus value as a result of exchanging with capital – or
unproductive labour, which does not produce surplus value, and either
produces use values for direct consumption, or else exchanges with
revenue rather than capital.
The
argument presented by the proponents of historic cost pricing is that
if we take the example above, the capital advanced was c 1000 + v
1000, but the resultant value is only 500, which means that if the
capital was physically replaced, the result would be a loss equal to
1500. There would then have resulted a negative value from the
labour undertaken. Indeed, it would appear impossible to determine
an actual value for the output.
But, this is false, for the reasons described above, and which Marx
also sets out in both Capital I, and in Theories of Surplus
Value. The basis of the error of the proponents of historic
pricing in this regard is to make a fundamental error in failing to
distinguish the difference in constant capital and variable capital,
and so to end up with a version of Adam Smith's cost of production
theory of value.
If
we take the final product it is an entirely new product. The corn
that the labourer consumes, may look exactly the same as the corn
they produce at the end of the production process, but it is not the
same corn. The corn the worker produces is an entirely new product,
and the value they create by their labour is entirely new value.
What
Marx describes, particularly in Theories of Surplus Value,
is that by the application of their labour, the worker produces this
entirely new product, and an amount of entirely new value equal to
the labour they expend. All of this new value is positive new value.
What the proponents of historic cost pricing confuse, in their
example, is the creation of this entirely new positive value, and the
question as to whether a surplus value is also created. The answer
to that question depends upon the productivity of labour. As Marx
sets out in Capital III,
and in Theories of Surplus Value,
the division of all societies into classes, depends upon productivity
reaching a certain minimum level so that the producer is able to
produce more in a day than is required to reproduce their own
labour-power. In other words, they must be capable of producing a
surplus product.
The proponents of historic cost pricing have not shown any
contradiction in Marx's theory by such examples, but only shown they
have failed to understand this basic element of Marx's theory of
value. If there is a catastrophic crop failure, so that the mass of
output falls below the mass of inputs, then its clear that
productivity has fallen by such an extent that this basic requirement
set out by Marx, that productivity is at least sufficient to generate
a surplus product does not exist. In fact, rather than demonstrating
any contradiction, it shows the opposite.
If
we consider Marx's position set out in Capital III,
and in Theories of Surplus Value,
that for social reproduction to continue, on at least the same scale,
the consumed constant and variable capital must be replaced in kind,
what do we see. It is that output is 500 kilos, and so in order to
replace the 1000 kilos of constant capital, and the 1,000 kilos of
variable capital, the capitalist would have to add an additional
capital of 1500 kilos. Put another way, they would have made a loss
equal to this 1500 kilos.
If we examine this from the perspective of values rather than use
values, what do we find. The difference between a labour theory of
value, such as that which Adam Smith starts with, and which Marx
uses, and a cost of production theory of value, which Smith lapses
into, without realising he has done so, is that the former determines
the value of a commodity on the basis of the labour-time required for
its reproduction, whereas a cost of production theory of value
determines the value of a commodity from the value of the commodities
consumed in its own production.
A labour theory of value in determining the labour-time considers two
forms of this labour. The value of a commodity comprises not only
the living labour used in its production, but also the congealed
labour embodied in the means of production used in it its production.
Let us examine it in terms of labour hours. Taking the initial
situation, we might assume that workers work for 2,000 hours to
produce the new product – 3,000 kilos of corn. The labour content
of the value of this corn is then equal to 2000 hours. But, the
value of this corn is not only comprised of labour, it is also
comprised of the congealed labour embodied in the means of
production, which here is represented by the 1,000 kilos of corn used
as seed.
If we start from a position where social productivity is constant,
then if the labour content of the 3,000 kilos of corn output is equal
to 2,000 hours, the labour used in producing the 1,000 kilos of corn
that comprises the seed is equal to 1,000 hours. That means that the
labour-time required for the production of the 3,000 kilos of corn
output is 3,000 hours comprising 1,000 hours of congealed labour, and
2,000 hours of living labour. That means that the value of a kilo of
corn is equal to 1 hour. On this basis we can also verify the
assumption that, with constant productivity, the labour-time embodied
in the 1,000 kilos of seed was equal to 1,000 hours.
If there is a crop failure so that only 500 kilos of grain are
produced, this does not change the amount of new value created by
labour, which is equal to 2000 hours. It simply means this value is
embodied in fewer kilos. But, likewise the value of this 500 kilos
is not only comprised of this living labour. 1,000 kilos of seed was
used in its production, and 1,000 hours of labour was required for
its production, and this congealed labour thereby also comprises a
part of the labour-time required for the production of the 500 kilos
of output.
The 500 kilos of output, therefore, has a value of 3000 hours, just
as previously the 3000 kilos of grain had a value of 3,000 hours.
The consequence of the crop failure is that social productivity has
cratered, and now the 3,000 hours of labour-time that was previously
embodied in 3,000 kilos of corn is now embodied in just 500 kilos –
an 84% drop in productivity. The value of a kilo of corn, thereby,
rises from 1 hour to 6 hours.
The difference here between a labour theory of value and a cost of
production theory of value is apparent. The value of this 500 kilos,
is determined by the labour-time required for its production, which
is 3,000 hours, but if we look at the cost of production we get a
totally different picture. The value of a kilo of corn we have now
determined as being 6 hours. Looking at the cost of production of
the 500 kilos of corn we then find that it comprises 1,000 kilos of
corn used as seed (constant capital), plus 1,000 kilos of corn used
to pay wages to workers (variable capital). So, we have 2,000 kilos
of corn with a value of 6 hours per kilo, which gives a cost of
production of 12,000 hours.
If we then subtract the cost of production of the 500 kilos of output
from the value of that 500 kilos, we get 3,000 – 12,000 giving a
loss of 9,000 hours. And, in fact, the capital started with 2,000
kilos of productive-capital, and ended with just 500 kilos, a loss of
1,500 kilos, which at 6 hours per kilo is again equal to a loss of
9,000 hours.
Like Smith, the proponents of historic pricing confuse labour and
labour-power, labour as value creating, and productive-labour as
productive of surplus value, and like Smith they lapse into a cost of
production theory of value, and so abandon the labour theory of
value, without realising they have done so.
As Marx sets out in Theories of Surplus Value, for labour to
be productive it must exchange with capital, and produce surplus
value. But, for labour to produce surplus value, and for capital to
act as capital, i.e. to be self-expanding value, it requires that
social productivity is at a minimum level, whereby the labour-time
required to reproduce labour-power is less than the value that labour
can create. By trying to prove their point, by establishing such an
extreme example, all that the proponents of historic pricing do is to
create a scenario whereby capital cannot act as capital, because it
requires that the level of social productivity has been reduced to
such a low level that it is impossible for labour-power to be
reproduced at a cost lower than the value that labour can create, so
that the production of surplus value becomes impossible.
However, the fact that the production of surplus value is impossible
is not the same as saying that the labour does not create new
positive value. The 2000 hours of new labour expended, creates 2000 hours of new value, the problem being that this new value is less
than the value required to reproduce the consumed capital!
What the example also illustrates is the difference between surplus
value and capital gain. Take the starting position whereby the
capital of the capitalist farmer consists of 2,000 kilos of corn. Of
this 1,000 kilos is used immediately as seed. The farmer is left
with 1,000 kilos of corn, which they pay to their workers at regular
periods as wages. Assume that the farmer makes 10 payments of wages
to workers during the year of 100 kilos per payment.
At the end of the 8th period, the corn output has been
produced, and is being sent to market. It will require the other two
periods to be able to sell the output, and during this period, the
farmer also requires the workers to be preparing the ground ready for
the next year's crop. Out of the original 1,000 kilos of corn set
aside by the farmer as variable-capital, therefore, to pay out during
the year, at the start of the 9th period, 200 kilos of
corn are still left waiting to be paid as wages.
The historic cost of these 200 kilos, the labour that was actually
used in their production, is equal to 200 hours, or 1 hour per kilo.
But, the actual value of these 200 kilos is now 1200 hours, because
the value of a kilo of corn has risen to 6 hours due to the sharp
drop in productivity. The fact of this value of the corn can be seen
by the fact that these 200 kilos are indistinguishable from any other
200 kilos of the current output sold on the market at its value of 6
hours per kilo.
In other words, the farmer has obtained a capital gain equal to 1,000
hours, in respect of the 200 kilos of corn left over from their
initial variable-capital. Were they to sell these 200 kilos rather
than pay them as wages to their workers for the remaining period of
the year, they would be able to realise this capital gain of 1,000
hours. This capital gain is not surplus value. It has nothing to do
with a self-expansion of value arising from production, but arises
simply from the fact that the sharp drop in productivity has caused a
sharp rise in the value of the capital stock over its historic price.
But, the reality is that the farmer as a capitalist does not engage
in business for the purpose of obtaining capital gain, which could
only be realised by ceasing business, and selling off their capital.
If the capitalist were to sell these 200 kilos of grain on the market
for their 1200 hours of value, so as to realise this capital gain,
they would immediately have to go back into the market to buy 200
kilos of grain so as to be able to pay it out as wages to their
workers, and this 200 kilos of grain would now cost them the same
1200 hours of value that they had previously realised from their own
sale.
That is why, as Marx sets out in Capital II, the actual
circuit of existing capital is not M – C ...P...C' – M', but
P...C' -M'. M – C...P. In other words, the starting position is
the existence of productive capital, which engages in production and
thereby creates surplus value, which is realised in sale, and the
capital is then metamorphosed back into productive-capital, which
once more engages in production. Its possible that individual
capitals may cease production, and thereby liquidate all of their
productive and commodity-capital (though usually this capital is
simply taken over by some other capital), but that simply cannot be
the case for the whole social capital, i.e. capitalism presumes that
production is undertaken on an ongoing basis.
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