His nickname
was “The Welsh Windbag”, because of all the hot air he
spouted. It could just as easily have been “The Shitbag”,
because he is so full of shit, and because of the treacherous role he
played in the Labour Movement during the 1980's. Neil Kinnock is an
embarrassment to himself, and certainly to the labour movement.
“Well, alright”. What a wanker! Now this political
primadonna is at it again, spouting more hot air, and once more
trying to undermine the Labour Movement, at a time when the focus
needs to be on attacking the Tories.
Kinnock
claims that Jeremy Corbyn, who has been elected to parliament
election after election, since 1983, is not of the tradition of
parliamentary democracy of the Labour Party! This is from a man who
never won a single general election as Labour leader, whose
commitment to democracy of any kind, let alone the Parliamentary
variety, was exposed by his rush to maintain his privileged lifestyle
by taking up a lucrative position as an unelected EU Commissioner,
and who then maintained that lavish lifestyle, by entering that well
known bastion of democracy, the unelected House of Lords!!!!
But, of
course, the Tory media swallow this shit from Kinnock whole, one lump
at a time, and then regurgitate it as a projectile vomit spread
across the pages of their newspapers, and television screen.
Kinnock took
over as Labour leader, after Michael Foot stood down, after the 1983
general election. Kinnock was lucky, because boundary changes meant
that Tony Benn's Bristol constituency was changed. Benn true to his
principles, stuck with the constituency that had returned him to
parliament since the early 1960's, even though the boundary changes
meant that he was likely to lose. Had Benn been in parliament, he
would undoubtedly have beaten Kinnock, but without Benn, Kinnock was
able to present himself as a left-wing candidate, to a soft left that
was desperate to get back into office.
But, Kinnock
never was a left-winger. In many ways, a bit like the fifth Beatle,
he was effectively the fifth member of the Gang of Four that went off
to create the SDP. The difference being that he was left behind to
continue the work of destroying the party, from the inside, that the
SDP was trying to achieve from the outside. At a time, when the
Tories were launching their attacks on the trades unions, in line with
The Ridley Plan, Kinnock instead turned his focus on a witch-hunt of
party members; at a time when Labour Councils, across the country, were
fighting attempts by the Thatcher government to impose austerity and
spending cuts, Kinnock instead turned his attention to attacking
those very Labour councils.
His goal was
to make the Labour Party acceptable to all those conservative forces
that were growing in importance, as the long wave post-war boom came
to an end, and the owners of fictitious capital were in the
ascendancy. But, history is replete with examples of organisations
trying to present themselves as pale imitations of more right-wing
parties, purely for short-term electoral advantage, only to find that
the result is that those whose support they seek prefer the real
thing, and the political centre itself, therefore, is simply shifted
further to the right. So it was with Kinnock.
During the
1980's, his attacks on party members undermined the party. He
undermined the miners strike of 1984-5, and undermined the fight of
Labour Councils against austerity. The result was that the party was
disemboweled, whilst the Tories who could have been defeated by a
concerted, principled challenge, went from strength to strength.
Despite all of his attempts to make Labour into a pale purple
imitation of the Tories, when the June 1987 General Election came
along, the real Tories trounced Kinnock's fake Tories by 376 to 229.
That was at a time when we had the most vicious, hated Tory
government, probably of all time, under Thatcher, yet the incompetent
Kinnock could make no significant challenge to her.
But, Kinnock
continued in his post as leader. One reason was that, having
disemboweled the party he was then able to remove some of the basic
democratic reforms that had been established in the early 1980's, for
example the requirement for mandatory reselection of MP's, as occurs
with councillors, and other party functionaries, such as branch and constituency officers. Sitting MP's, are to the right of the party,
and less likely to rock the boat generally, because of their
positions, and because the party leader is able to bribe them with
positions on the parliamentary gravy train, as front bench
spokespeople etc. Removing the requirement for mandatory reselection
meant they could be kept in their positions more easily, and that
acted to maintain the status quo, and protect the position of the
party leader.
It opened
the door to Blair who continued that trajectory, of making the party
into a Bonapartist regime. Contrary to Kinnock's claims, as Lord
Hailsham once stated, the British parliamentary system is essentially
an “elective dictatorship”. The party leader of the
governing party, has huge powers of patronage. There is no real
reason why a government should be comprised of more ministers than
are required for the main offices of state, in other words, a Finance
Minister, a Home Secretary, a Foreign Secretary, an Education
Secretary, a Defence Secretary and a Minister responsible for things
such as the Environment, Energy and so on. But, governments and
oppositions appoint ministers way beyond this, because, as Hailsham
argued, by doing so, the party leader has huge powers of patronage,
which act as a means of shoring up their own support within the
parliamentary party.
The only
real checks and balances against this really reside with the members
of the party outside parliament. Self-serving MP's always claim that
they derive their authority from the voters who elected them, but
that is nonsense. Since the 18th century, British
parliamentary democracy has been based upon the existence of
political parties, not individual, independent MP's. It is the
party, which selects the candidate, in the first place; it is the
party which sets the principles and programme upon which elections
are fought; it is the party which undertakes all of the
organisational work required to get its candidates elected to
parliament, and all evidence shows that it is the party which voters
vote for, and not the individual.
In almost every case, where MP's
have come into conflict with their local party, and stood as
Independents in General Elections, those MP's lose, and voters elect
the official party candidate in their place. That, of course, is why
today, the 172 MP's who are rebelling against the half million party
members, and Corbyn as their leader, dare not do the decent thing,
which flows from their argument. That would be to resign from the
Labour Party, resign as an MP, and test their argument in new
parliamentary elections against new Labour Party candidates in their
constituencies.
They will
not do that because they know that their contention that their
mandate derives from the electors is bullshit. They know that they
would lose, just as they know that if they stand a candidate in a
leadership contest against Corbyn they will lose. That is why they
have organised an undemocratic coup against Corbyn and the party
membership, and why we see organisations like Portland
standing in the shadows.
Far from
Corbyn acting contrary to the principles and tradition of British
parliamentary democracy, therefore, he is acting in perfect
consistency with it. Kinnock, on the other hand, by demanding the
primacy of a bunch of MP's, in complete opposition to the members of
the party they are supposed to represent, is promoting a defence, and
advance of the notion not of democracy, but of Bonapartism. His
problem at the moment, is that the actual leader is undermining the
Bonapartist tendencies that Kinnock and Blair/Brown introduced into
the party. That is why their only resort is not to democracy, but to
their own Bonapartist coup against Corbyn.
They are in
that position, because they were hoist by their own petard.
Kinnock's disastrous leadership of the party continued into the
general election of 1992. During the period between 1987 and 1992,
he continued to hollow out the party, and its ability to resist the
Tory onslaught. When Thatcher was dethroned, it was not the result
of Kinnock's ineffectual opposition, but the result of tens of
thousands of workers rising up against the Poll Tax, and against her
increasingly brutal and vicious regime. Yet, even when the
working-class had done all the heavy lifting for Kinnock, by its own
actions, Kinnock was so bad that he could not even capitalise on
that.
Instead,
when the 1992 election came along, for all of his gut-wrenching
antics, Kinnock once again took the party to humiliating defeat. The
Tories won 336 seats (41.9%) as against Labour's 271 seats (34.4%).
All of his attempts to gut the party, to place full control and
authority into the hands of a Bonapartist leader, and a coterie of
MP's, based around an abandonment of any principle, in favour of an
opportunist search for votes, around an increasingly conservative
agenda had come to less than nothing, much like Kinnock himself.
During the
1980's, UK unemployment soared to over 3 million on official figures,
and more like 6 million in real terms. In 1987, the global economy
was in crisis, leading to the biggest stock market crash in history,
in October 1987. In 1990, after encouraging thousands of council
tenants to buy their homes, and encouraging millions of other people
to go into huge debt to buy over-priced houses, interest rates rose,
and house prices crashed by 40% in just a few months. Many of those
who had bought their council houses found themselves unable to cover
the mortgage, and lost their homes, whilst millions who had bought
overpriced houses, found themselves in negative equity, and many of
them too lost their homes. In 1992, the global economy was again in
a crisis, and the UK economy as an increasingly sick component of it,
even more so. Yet, Kinnock was unable to win the elections in either
year.
In the end,
after 18 years of Tory misrule, the people had had enough, and voted
out John Major. Kinnock's successor, Tony Blair is presented as some
kind of political genius, but he is nothing of the kind, as
subsequent events showed. Blair was just lucky. He was lucky to be
the Labour Leader in 1997, when no one could stomach the Tories any
longer. Lucky, because under those conditions, even the incompetent
Kinnock could have won an election for Labour. But Blair was lucky
for another reason. Shortly after winning in 1997, the global
economy entered a new long wave boom. Trade expanded, and even the
sclerotic, debt ridden UK economy was drawn along with it. In fact,
it was drawn along with it to such an extent that labour shortages
started to arise, wages started to rise sharply, particularly for
specific jobs, like plumbers, which was why Blair was keen to import
labour from the EU.
That growth
meant that Blair could spend money on public services, boosted
further by the conservative penchant for expanding debt even further,
based upon the inflation of paper asset values, used as collateral, Blair's case via PFI.
That was the basis for Blair winning again in 2001, and in 2005.
But, the writing was on the wall of where this policy based upon ever
increasing levels of private household debt was leading, as I
outlined at the time as a Staffordshire County Councillor. In a
number of speeches in the Council Chamber, back then, I warned that
it would all end in tears, with a huge financial crash.
Blair was
lucky again, because he handed over the reins to Brown in 2007, and
so it was Brown who had to deal with the financial crash of 2008,
which was itself a direct consequence of the economic policies
undertaken by conservative regimes (Republican and Democrat, Tory and
Labour), in the US and UK, and Europe over the previous thirty years.
Had Blair still been Prime Minister in 2008, and fought the 2010
election, he would undoubtedly have lost, and the myth of his genius
would have been exploded. As it is that myth persists alongside his
more infamous role in undertaking the Iraq War, a role that in itself
should have destroyed any concept of such genius, given its
breathtakingly disastrous consequences.
The reality
is that the Parliamentary Labour Party today is an artificial
construct arising from Kinnock's gutting of the party in the 1980's,
and the bureaucratic stranglehold over what was left of the party,
introduced by Kinnock's heirs, Blair and Brown, in the 1990's.
Kinnock's argument today might have more validity if it were the case
that the Parliamentary party was in any way reflective of the Labour
Party, or Labour voters at large. But it isn't. In the 1990's, the
Blair-right/Brownite control of the party apparatus meant that they
could simply impose their own candidates on to local parties. They
were appointed not to reflect the party and its principles, but
simply to reflect the tribal loyalties of Blair and Brown.
Its no
wonder, therefore, that the 172 Labour MP's who voted against Corbyn,
and people like Kinnock and co. are so far removed from the party
members, and from Labour voters. The obvious thing is for them to
go, and go now.
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