The idea
that the Scottish Labour Party, should operate autonomously from
Labour in the UK, or that the Labour Party should operate under some
federal structure in the UK is a big mistake. It is a mistake that
social-democratic parties have made in the past. The Second
International itself was rendered next to useless as a result of
operating under such a federal principle, whose purpose was to avoid
the need for a thorough political debate over issues of contention,
in favour of a diplomatic arrangement.
The issue of
federalism and autonomy within a single state is different to the
issue within the workers' party. Generally, even federalism within
the state is to be considered as less preferable than a unified, one
and indivisible state, but can be tolerated, as itself preferable to
separation into different states. Within a unified state, maximum
measures of regional autonomy, to allow for cultural variations, and
so on, can be used as means of encouraging such unity, as well as
preventing oppression of minorities.
But, the
workers party is not a bourgeois instrument of pursuing such
cultural-national democratic ideals. It is a combat organisation of
the working-class, whose purpose is to present a united front against
all of the forces of the bourgeoisie, and to do that, it must itself
from the beginning being as unified as possible, allowing no division
on national, regional, cultural or other such grounds. The only
divisions within the workers' party should be political divisions,
which should then be discussed and resolved out in the open.
The proposal
to establish a Scottish Labour Party, or other such national parties,
and even regional parties is inimical to that requirement of a
workers' party, because from the beginning, it tries to hide real
political differences, and avoid their resolution, by a separation
into separate party units. If Blair got anything right, it was to
follow the example of Lenin in “What Is To Be Done?”, in
insisting upon the Labour Party operating as a “professional
party”. The idea that the workers' party should discuss political
differences, arrive at a resolution of those differences, and then
from the centre, organise to pursue them, in a disciplined and
professional manner, is a sound one. It was the means by which the
German SPD built its strength at the start of the 20th
century, and the model that Lenin based himself upon in “What Is
To Be Done?”,for the building
of the Russian Social Democratic Labour Party. There
is nothing professional about a free for all, as a means of avoiding
a sharp political fight over serious issues of principle.
The debacle
of Labour in Scotland was not down to its lack of independence from
the party in the rest of the country. It had been developing over a
long time, and stemmed from the corrupt and moribund nature of the
party in Scotland. In addition, the reason that Labour lost seats in
Scotland was the same reason that it had lost 7 million votes in the
UK as a whole, as it abandoned its working-class base, and adopted
conservative rather than social-democratic ideas. The solution to
that problem, is not to run away from a hard assessment of those
facts, and the need to rebuild the party upon sound ideological
principles, by creating separate party organisations. In fact, it
was that kind of approach in the Second International, which allowed
each party, in the end, to pursue separate national interests as opposed
to the interests of the working-class as a whole, and thereby
facilitated the collapse into national chauvinism, and World War I.
Its quite
easy to see how such a federal structure, could create a dynamic, as
indeed devolution and federalism itself creates, for a race to the
bottom, as a Scottish parliament seeks to attract business to
Scotland by offering lower taxes, less protection for workers and so
on, similar to the Tories proposals for Enterprise Zones, and which a
Scottish Labour Party, under pressure from the SNP would be led to
advocate, just as an English Labour Party, under pressure from the
Tories and UKIP would be pressured to do also. This is the opposite
of the kind of centralisation, and unity of the working-class that a
workers' party should be aiming to achieve.
In fact,
rather than seeking to divide and fragment the labour movement
further in this way, what is required is for the workers movement
across Europe to be coming together, as a single movement. We need a
single European Workers Party, along with a single European Trade
Union Movement, and Co-operative Movement.
As ever,
rather than national, regional or cultural separation, the principle
of the Labour movement should be Workers of the World Unite.
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