Blairites cannot deny
the level of support in the party for Jeremy Corbyn. Now, they also
cannot deny his support amongst the electorate at large.
So, they have tried to attack the credibility of Corbyn's policies
on the basis of economic feasibility. They are on no firmer ground.
Gordon Brown's
intervention, on Sunday, in that debate has taken the Blairites no
further forward. However much the Tory media may try to portray
Brown as some kind of left wing figure, the fact is that Blair and
Brown are politically inseparable. The things New Labour did that
could be given critical support, are the attempt to make Labour more
“professional”, which Lenin, basing himself on the German SPD had
also encouraged in “What Is To Be Done?”; the
introduction of the Minimum Wage; the increased investment in the
NHS, and other aspects of the welfare state.
Besides
the non-economic policies, such as the Iraq War, what New Labour
could not be given critical support for was the failure to reverse
the economic model introduced by Thatcher and Major, based on a low
wage/high private debt economy, which encouraged low levels of
productivity, de-industrialisation, the blowing up of huge bubbles in
stocks, bonds and property, and thereby created the inevitability of
the financial crashes of 2000 and 2008, and the much larger one,
still to come.
New
Labour, under Blair and Brown, had 13 years to have reversed that,
but instead they continued it, and enhanced it. Giving the Bank of
England independence simply emphasised the dominant role that
money-lending capital had assumed within the economy. It was
reflected in the kow-towing to the agents of the money lenders in the
City of London, as well as to the big individual money lenders like
Rupert Murdoch, who used their power to exercise undue control over
the economy and social life.
Because
they failed to reverse the conservative economic model of low wages,
high private debt and the exaggerated role, therefore, of fictitious capital, New Labour found themselves having to introduce ever more
elaborate, ever more expensive responses to the distortions created,
and in doing so created even more distortions.
As
the blowing up of credit bubbles caused property prices to soar
beyond reach, and sent rents soaring after them, Housing Benefit
payments exploded. In addition, a raft of other, in-work, benefits,
such as Tax Credits, were introduced. Instead of reversing the
low-wage/high debt model it enhanced it, because all of these
benefits amounted to a subsidy to the low paying, inefficient, small
businesses, who were thereby encouraged to keep paying low wages, and
fail to invest so as to raise productivity, in the knowledge that the
state would keep subsidising their wage bills.
New
Labour could, during all that period, instead have introduced a much
higher Minimum Wage, which would have acted to cut the welfare bill,
and force inefficient producers to invest, to raise their
productivity. They could have encouraged Councils to build many more
council houses, so that rents and house prices would have been
reduced. But, even when they had been elected, and could have done
that, they did not do so. For three years, they simply kept to the Tories spending plans, and instead of encouraging councils to build
houses, they more or less encouraged them to sell them off to ALMO's,
the main beneficiaries of which were the former Directors of Council
Housing Departments, who saw their wages more than double, and the
money lenders, who provided the loans to the now privatised Housing
Management organisations.
Brown is portrayed by the Tory media as some kind of left-wing alternative to Blair, but one of the first things he did when he became Prime Minister was to invite Thatcher, the butcher of Orgreave, into 10 Downing Street, followed shortly after by making the odious right-winger Digby Jones Labour's Industry Minister. Yet, yesterday we have Brown quoting Nye Bevan, who described such Tories as worse than vermin, as well as quoting Gramsci, who died for his principles at the hands of the Italian fascists, lecturing us to the effect that the most important thing is to win governmental office so that we can implement OUR ideas. You would have to laugh if it didn't make you cry.
New
Labour saw the house price bubble as beneficial as it created the
delusion of wealth amongst home buyers and elderly home owners, and
underpinned a further expansion of debt, as it did in the US, ahead
of the sub-prime crisis. When those bubbles began to burst in 2008,
New Labour could have allowed that to happen, concentrating instead
on the real economy. Instead they bailed out the paper wealth of the
banks, at the expense of destroying vast amounts of real productive
wealth, though that process was really implemented, by the Liberal-Tories, with New Labour
complicity, more after 2010.
So,
Brown and the Blairites are in a poor position to lecture Corbyn and
his supporters on economic credibility. It was Brown who sold off
large amounts of gold in 1999, as its price began to rise sharply,
along with other governments, because a series of global banks and
financial institutions had shorted gold, and were in danger of going bust, as the price rose. It was New Labour that had feted these
bankers, and allowed them to operate unregulated, as the Tories
before had done, which created the conditions for all of the
misselling and other financial scandals that are now coming to light.
Where
they have insisted that the rest of us must tighten our belts, under
a regime of austerity, no amount of money was spared to maintain the
hugely inflated prices of fictitious capital, including a huge
printing of £375 billion, as part of the Bank of England's policy of
QE. Yet, today, the Blairites howl at the idea that the Bank of
England might print money to support real investment in
productive-capital, organised through a National Investment Bank, or
that it might support necessary spending on infrastructure and so on,
to increase productivity and competitiveness. That is the extent to
which the Blairites, like the Tories have no concern for the needs of
productive-capital, only with the continued inflation of fictitious
capital prices.
They
talk about the interests of business, but they really only mean the
interests of the 0.001% of the population who own the majority of
fictitious wealth, not the real businesses made up of millions of
workers and managers, who each day produce society's wealth in goods
and services.
I
heard, the other day, Jack Straw object to the proposal for QE to
finance such investment, in the most ridiculous terms, which showed
he simply does not understand the economics behind it. It was okay
to bail-out the banks by QE, he said, because the money only went
into the banks' balance sheet, whereas it would be inflationary to
print money to cover government spending. The mind boggles. The
whole argument behind QE, for example that being used in Japan and
the Eurozone, is a need to stimulate inflation, by that money being
loaned out by the banks. Straw also doesn't seem to realise that the
way QE works is that the central bank does
buy government debt! It buys government bonds, held as bank capital,
by the commercial banks, with newly created money. It thereby
provides the banks with liquidity that they are intended to lend out.
Of
course, the problem is that this QE has not stimulated economic
activity. It has simply bailed out the owners of fictitious capital,
and inflated their paper wealth even further, by reflating asset
price bubbles, and so making the next bigger crash even more
inevitable. In other words, it has created the worst kind of
hyperinflation. It has sent share, bond and property prices soaring
further, which encourages further speculation in these markets, as an
alternative to productive investment – pace Haldane – and because
it makes houses and pensions more expensive for workers, it pushes up
the value of labour-power and reduces profits.
The
other Blairite objection to Corbyn's policies is that the proposals
for renationalisation of the railways, energy and so on, would be
unaffordable. One obvious answer to that would be to buy them back
at the same knock down prices they were previously sold off at. But,
there is a better answer. Stella Creasy has argued for using fines
on energy companies as a means of mutualising them. That would be
too slow and time consuming. Instead, Labour should take a leaf out
of the Tories' book. They have just forced Housing Associations to
sell off houses to tenants at huge discounts of up to 60%. Labour
should extend that principle.
Corbyn
has proposed extending the “right to buy”
to the tenants of private landlords. I agree. Its an excellent
idea. But, we should use the same principle, to meet the aspiration
of millions of workers not just to own their own home, but to own
their own business. We should introduce a Workers Right To Buy, the
company they work for, with the same 60% or higher discounts to the
current asset value of the company.
In
addition, workers would find it much easier to achieve that if they
had control over the £800 billion in their pension funds. Labour
should legislate to transfer the control of these pension funds to
directly elected committees of workers, so that they can meet our
needs, not the interests of the 0.001% of society that comprise the
rich money lenders.
The
Blairites complain that Corbyn's policies are old. There is nothing
wrong with old policies per se. Besides, the policy of austerity
advocated by the Blairites is the same old policy of balanced
budgets accepted by Ramsey Macdonald in the 1930's. What counts is
whether the policy is correct or not.
There
are other policies that Corbyn could pursue that would be new and
progressive compared with the old conservative, nationalistic
policies of the Blairites, over immigration, for example.
Corbyn
should use the current surge to extend the lesson from Greece, that
we can only provide a rational solution on a European basis.
Corbyn
should campaign for a renewal of social democracy across Europe, to
draw in the energy unleashed by Syriza and Podemos. They should
campaign for an equalisation of pay and conditions, as well as tax
and benefits, across Europe, and for an EU coordinated programme of
investment, like the Marshall Plan after WWII, along with a similar
writing off of debt that occurred then. It would require a thorough
democratisation of EU political institutions.
The
reality is that the conservative ideas pursued by the Blairites are
only a watered down version of the backward looking, conservative
ideas that the Tories and other conservatives have inflicted on
society over the last 30 years. Those policies have not just failed,
they have been disastrous even in capitalist terms.
It
is time for a serious change in direction. The social-democratic
ideas of Jeremy Corbyn are not socialist. They are not the socialist
solutions that a Marxist would propose, but they at least turn things
in a forward looking direction. They open up the potential for
discussion, and for a strengthening of the working-class, and its on
that basis that Marxists can give them critical support.
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