The position outlined by Trotsky, in previous parts applies equally
here to the role of Russia in Ukraine. The Crimea was a part of
Russia going back a very long way, prior to it being transferred to
Ukraine by the USSR. If the people of Crimea, and other ethnically
Russian parts of Ukraine, wish to rejoin or join Russia they have a
democratic right to do so. Generally, speaking, Marxists, whilst
upholding that right, and opposing any use of force to prevent it,
would still argue against separation. The imprisoning of nations
frequently provides the grounds for reactionary nationalists to
ferment division. For example, had the Sudeten Germans never been
trapped inside Czechoslovakia, Hitler would not have been able to
make such a play over demanding their liberation.
However, depending on how events play out in Ukraine, it may be one
of those “exceptional circumstances” that Lenin referred
to, when we would advocate separation. The highly nationalistic
nature of the regime in Kiev has already been manifest in its
decisions in banning the Russian language as an official language.
The government is made up of a number of extreme right-wing
nationalist and fascistic elements, with others, including some who
fought against Russia in Chechnya, and, therefore, having links with
Al Qaeda related clerical-fascists, pressing further to the right on
the streets. One Ukrainian MP has called for the country to restock
its nuclear arsenal, a development the US and EU seem to have little
to say about, given their position in relation to Iran.
Marxists should oppose any attempt by the regime in Kiev to prevent
the ethnic Russians in Ukraine from seceding. But, we should also
oppose any attempt by Russia to intervene to bring it about, just as
we would have opposed Hitler's invasion of the Sudetenland, or
Britain's intervention in the Falklands.
Our role is instead to argue for a solution based on the greatest
unity of the working-class inside and across borders. Our demand is
not for bourgeois democratic national self-determination, but as
Lenin said, for the self-determination and self-government of the
working class.
Back To Part 5
Forward To Part 7
Back To Part 5
Forward To Part 7
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